Soekarno: His Mannerism and Method of Communication

Soekarno: His Mannerism and Method of Communication
Justin Wejak

Abstract
The main purpose of this article is to discuss Soekarno’s mannerism and method of
communication. Certain aspects such as Soekarno’s use of language in his speeches are highlighted
here in order to provide some basic understanding of Soekarno – both as a person and a political
leader of the nation. The article aims at stimulating further discussions concerning this very well
known leader. This article also examines Soeharto’s style of speech for a comparison.
Keywords: communication, language, power, charisma, monologue, dialogue, politics, personality,
culture, religion, revolution.

Introduction
The inaugural leader of the Republic of Indonesia, President Soekarno, is
undoubtedly one of the greatest examples of charisma
the world has ever known. For
twenty years as the archipelago’s revolutionary leader and twenty years as the
President of Indonesia, Soekarno used the power
2
1
of language
and his charismatic
appeal for political gain and national advancement. While it is easy to tell who has
charisma and who never will, it is very difficult to define this quality possessed by those
who inspire us. Soekarno’s charisma was evident in his cellubrious sexual allure and
ability, like Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela and Xanana Gusmao, to mesmerize a
mass audience with a combination of passion, ideas and personality (Porter & Williams,
1999, p. 8).
Jurusan Sastra Inggris, Fakultas Sastra, Universitas Kristen Petra
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3
According to John Howard’s biographer, David Barnett, ‘the concept of charisma is
one of the most dangerous concepts in a democracy that you can find. Charisma is a sort
of totalitarian, fascist shorthand for policy and program. To talk about electing people
because you like them as if they are film stars strikes at the fundamentals of the way
the system works. The responsibility of a people is to elect a government that will

1
According to the Oxford Encyclopedic English Dictionary, the term charisma (pl. charismata) means
[a] the ability to inspire followers with devotion and enthusiasm. [b] an attractive aura; great charm.
[c] a divinely conferred power or talent.
In the Oxford Encyclopedic English Dictionary, the word power is defined as [a] the ability to do or
act. [b] a particular faculty of body or mind. [c] government, influence, or authority. [d] political or
social ascendancy or control. [e] authorization; delegated authority. [f] personal ascendancy. [g] an
influential person, group, or organization.
2
3
Language, according to the Oxford Encyclopedic English Dictionary, is [a] the method of human
communication, either spoken or written, consisting of the use of words in an agreed way. [b] the
language of a particular community or country etc. [c] the faculty of speech; a style or the faculty of
expression; the use of words, etc. [d] any method of expression.
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Volume 2, Number 2, December 2000: 54 – 59
govern responsibly. For people to be beguiled by popularity for its own sake, to choose
someone who makes them feel good, is dangerous in the extreme. To my mind, the most
charismatic personality in history was undoubtedly Adolf Hitler’ (Porter & Williams,
1999, p. 8).
How right Barnett was in assessing the charismatic appeal of Hitler. And the same
can invariably be said for Soekarno, although not to the same extent. Given Soekarno’s
Javanese background and the fact that he orchestrated the archipelago’s revolution
which led to the attainment of Indonesian independence, the people were beguiled by his
popularity and charm and chose him because he made them feel good. The amount of
choice the people had, however, was certainly arguable. Charisma implies physical
presence combined with an ability to persuade. Charisma and great talk go together.
But the chat has to be quality. Otherwise, silence is more effective.
A Leader is Born
Soekarno was brought up in a purely Javanese, old style environment which
embraced fairly tales and represented a climate of make-believe. This, perhaps, sounds
rather simplistic in academic context, however, one should bear in mind that Javanese
belief systems are indeed very complex, like all belief systems are. Soekarno never
escaped this grounding and it influenced his whole life, his whole thinking, his soul and
his longings. His grandparents even believed he had supernatural powers and was
predestined to be a great leader.
As a boy, Soekarno thought he would some day be the hero of his people. And he was
just that for a period of time. He conjured up all kinds of happenings in which he played
the hero. He believed he was capable of doing some wonderful and extraordinary things
so that the eyes of not only his nation but the world would look at him, admire him and
applaud him.
Soekarno yearned for the hero’s welcome given by the Romans to Julius
Caesar on his return from the battles of Gallia and to Prince Gadjah Mada, from the
Kingdom of Majapahit in East Java, following his defeat of the strong Kingdom of
Padjadjaran in West Java.
4
5
The belief in his destiny was so strong in him that it was a constant impetus in his
drive for power. And it was this dramatic and theatrical appeal which helped him retain
the presidency for more than twenty years. His burning ambition was to be the first
man in his country capable of enduring the bitter pills fate would force him to swallow.
The Revolution
6
Beckons

4
Soekarno was referring here to the Battle of Surabaya (November 1945) in which heavily armed
British troops aided by planes and artillery met fierce resistance from the lightly armed Indonesian
irregulars.
5
Gadjah Mada was the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Majapahit which was centred in East Java
and at the zenith of its power during the fourtheenth century controlled large parts of the present
Indonesian and Southeast Asia.
6
In the Oxford Encyclopeddic English Dictionary, revolution means [a] the forcible overthrow of a
government or social order, in favour of a new system. [b] any fundamental change or reversal of
conditions. [c] the act or an instance of revolving.
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Soekarno: His Mannerism and Method of Communication (Justin Wejak)
During the 1920s, Soekarno was already dreaming of his great destiny which was to
be the man in Indonesia to unite the beliefs of all the people. He would like to unite the
religious people, the Nationalists and the Marxists in one big force. He was sure he
would find the solution, and then he would be admired and worshipped by everybody as
a new Messiah. He separated the Indonesian people into three categories: Moslems,
Nationalists and Marxists. He did all this because he believed that he was destined to be
the savior of his country and therefore prayed in his own way for the safety of his life
and the greatness of his person.
Soekarno’s deep and indestructible belief in his destination allowed him to patiently
undergo the humiliation by the Dutch and later by the Javanese. This belief allowed
him to persevere and be tough in politics. His perseverance was the primary factor
which sustained him and enabled him to surpass other leaders at the time who were
better educated than he, but who did not have the bulldog-like perseverance so necessary
for a long struggle like the fight for independence. Soekarno fought hard for leadership
and was always a genius in exploiting the right moments in time with his oratorical
brilliance.
Soekarno was undoubtedly a great orator. Even before he assumed the presidency of
the Indonesian Republic, he was capable of bewitching whole gatherings with his
speeches. His language was not too pure and often outright crude, but his use of the
language, his intonation and the gestures he made at the right time were flawless. His
appearance was impressive. In front of the common people who were captivated by his
charm, exuberance and delivery, Soekarno was in his element (Hanifah, 1972, p. 76).
Indonesia’s inaugural President often used animal symbolism to convey his feelings
during the revolutionary years under the archipelago’s Japanese occupation. From his
pre-war writings, the locals knew Soekarno considered Japan the modern imperialist of
Asia. So, during this period he coined his famous metaphor: ‘Under the blanket of the
Rising Sun the Chinese dragon co-operates with the white elephant of Thailand, the
caribou of the Philippines, the peacock of Burma, the nandi cow of India, the hydra
snake of Vietnam and, now, with the banteng buffalo of Indonesia, in ridding our
continent of Imperialism’.
To the Indonesian mind this was clear. It meant the occupied territories were united
in the desire to exterminate aggression, not by co-operating with the Rising Sun, but
rather by co-operating under the Rising Sun (Soekarno, 1965, p. 179). The Japanese
were pleased with Soekarno’s oratory and considered it purely a vehicle to keep the
vanquished in line. Little did they know just how influential and overwhelming
Soekarno would prove to be, especially against the Dutch and Japanese.
Given that he was Soekarno, the man who really could enchant the masses into
feeling as one, the masses forgave him for his constant boasting. He was really an orator
of exceedingly great strength. Whether one heard his speeches and stories once or
multiple times, one could not help being overawed and overwhelmed by his thundering
voice and absolute conviction. After all, he was charming, calm and fatherly. If he
wished, he could be very disarming and pleasing. He was constantly aware that he had
that kind of influence on his listeners who believed Soekarno was indeed their Savior. In
his autobiography, Soekarno was quoted as saying:
I learned to grab my audience’s attention at the very beginning. I not only
grabbed it, I held it. They listened spellbound. A shiver went through me when I
first discerned I embodied the kind of power that could move masses. I made my
points simply. My hearers found them easy to grasp because I relied on
descriptive terms rather than facts and figures. I appealed to the emotions …
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Volume 2, Number 2, December 2000: 54 – 59
They looked up at me as I spoke. They stared at me adoringly, eyes open wide,
faces turned up, drinking it all in trustingly, expectantly. It seemed apparent I
was becoming a great public speaker. It was in my blood (Soekarno, 1965, p. 179).
President Soekarno and the Dawn of his New Nation
The combination of Soekarno and Hatta during the revolution and initial years of the
Republic of Indonesia was indeed a fortunate one. Soekarno alone could not have brought
about the revolution, but in union with Hatta he was neutralized. Soekarno, the
dreamer of great things to come, the man of the unbridled imagination, could be a great
danger in a real crisis, just because he was full of wishful thinking and was a credulous
person if only you could please him the right way.
Soekarno’s vanity, in fact, made him from the very beginning a bad security risk.
But Soekarno was undeniably the more popular and charismatic man among the
masses because he had been known for so long. His name had already become a legend.
Hatta, on the other hand, was strict, cool-headed, realistic and practical. He was a
scholar, an economics expert, a pragmatist—essentially the right man to have beside
Soekarno. According to Soekarno:
I never thought of mundane things like money. Only people who have never
breathed the fire of nationalism can concern themselves about such trivia. Liberty
was the food I lived on. Ideology. Idealism. The nourishment of the soul. That’s
what I fed on. I myself lived in rags, but what did it matter? Pulling together my
party and my people, that’s all I lived for … I formulated my people’s hidden
feelings into the political and social terms which they would have spoken
themselves if they could. I called to the old to remember their sufferings and to
see them redeemed. I called to the young to think for themselves and to labor for
the future. I became their mouthpiece … Soekarno, the Great Ear of the
Indonesian people, became Bung Karno, the tongue of the Indonesian people …
You can force a person to stand, but you cannot force him to smile trustingly or
gaze admiringly or wave at you happily. I call upon humanity to examine the
upturned faces of my people when Bapak speaks. They are smiling at me. Praying
for me. Loving me. This no government can force (Soekarno, 1965, pp. 120-121).
Draping himself in nationalist clothes, Soekarno used strident rhetoric and nimble
politicking to strengthen the executive branch and keep actual and potential opponents
off balance. Foreign policy took a decidedly anti-western tone. Soekarno intensified
efforts to wrest control of West Papua from the Dutch and launched an ill-fated military
campaign against Malaysia to protest the establishment of the Malaysian states of
Sabah and Serawak on the island of Kalimantan. Relations with Beijing and Moscow
improved while ties with Washington D.C. increasingly soured, not least because of CIA
support for the PRRI rebellion in West Sumatra.
For Soekarno, still imbued with notions of revolutionary grandeur, the economy took
a back seat to the political struggle. In a famous speech on 25 March 1964, Soekarno
told the United States to “go to hell with your aid”. Nine months later he pulled
Indonesia out of the United Nations in a pique against the latter’s admission of Malaysia
as a member state. “To intoxicate the masses until they were heady with the wine of
inspiration was all I lived for. To me this was elixir. When I speak about my land I
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Soekarno: His Mannerism and Method of Communication (Justin Wejak)
become excited. I become poetic. I was lyrical. I literally am overcome and this is
transmitted to my listeners” (Soekarno, 1965, p. 82).
Notwithstanding that Marxism was arguably incompatible with the religiously
affiliated Indonesian people, it was suggested in 1950 that Soekarno should have a party
of his own. His answer was that he knew that whatever he believed in, the people would
believe in too. Soekarno believed that in an election in which his ideas would be put at
stake, he would win the majority of people to his side. He maintained that he did not
need a party because the people, regardless of their own party allegiances, would follow
him because he was Soekarno, their real leader (Hanifah, 1972, p. 5). After all, Bung
Karno was a man not easily frightened, not easily beaten, and certainly not easily
ousted from the Presidential Palace. But perhaps it was at this point in time that
Soekarno’s vanity started to get the better of him.
People could rightly say that Soekarno was a frustrated man. During all his
speeches, he became fiercer and fiercer, to an extent where it looked as if he was trying
to surpass himself. He often appeared obsessed and probably could not help saying the
things he did say. Often contrary to the opinions he expressed in a calmer mood, many
wondered whether he really meant what he said while delivering many of his speeches.
Notwithstanding the mistakes Soekarno made as President, it cannot be denied that he
really was the savior of his country and it is this honor which people cannot and should
not deprive him (Hanifah, 1972, p. 204).
Language, Persuasion and Great Oratory:
A Comparison Between Soekarno’s and Soeharto’s Style
Virginia Hooker once examined the very distinct styles of communication
employed
by Indonesia’s founding President, Soekarno, and his long-standing, recently retired
successor, Soeharto. While the former was considered poetic, charismatic, informal,
even chaotic, the latter showed less compassion and militaristic tendencies in many
formal and impersonal deliveries. While these rivaling manifestations were arguably
indicative of the respective political environments in which these leaders found their
country at the time, I believe their mannerisms and methods of communication reveal
more about each man’s upbringing, attitude and lifestyle.
One way in which the differing styles employed by the nation’s first and second
Presidents were exposed was the Independence Day Speeches. For instance, Soeharto’s
speech assessed key events of the past twelve months, proposed future goals and was
directed at the Indonesian nation in its entirety. He would pay tribute to the significance
of the 1945 Constitution and more contemporary agendas. Moreover, Soeharto would
discuss the strength of productivity, industry, economic development and foreign policy
as well as encourage the nation to strive for success and embrace the New Order’s
endeavors. On the other hand, however, Hooker makes reference to the fact that
Soekarno was more concerned with presenting his own policies than with national policy

7
In the Oxford Encyclopedic English Dictionary, the term communication means [a] the act of
imparting , esp. news. [b] the information etc. communicated. [c] a means of connecting different
places, such as a door, passage, road, or railway. [d] social intercourse. [e] the science and practice of
transmitting information esp. by electronic or mechanical means. [f[ the means of transport between a
base and the front. [g] a paper read to a learned society.
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during his Independence Day Speech. She argues that Soekarno’s addresses were
unplanned, unstructured, lacked an underlying theme and concerned merely the distant
and recent past.
When addressing the nation, Soeharto often used the pronoun kita, the participatory
and all-inclusive ‘we’. He spoke with full authority, without intimacy and
confidentiality, unlike his predecessor. Soeharto’s use of memper- verbal prefixes and
lebih dari pada itu (English: ‘more than that’) before a verb, although not surprising,
was intriguing and to a certain extent, unbelievable. However, any ambiguity and
argument implied by the audience would always be subsumed by Soeharto’s confident
tone and non-negotiable stance.
Notwithstanding his unmistakable authority as well, one characteristic evident in
the speeches delivered by Soekarno, and not his successor, is the way he drew the
audience close to him through references to shared experiences. Whereas Soeharto used
monologue
8
, the role of language itself, through dialogue
, was obvious during Soekarno’s
time. He not only persuaded and inspired his audience, but emotionally entangled and
even captivated them. He invited negotiation and argument when Soeharto did not.
9
Critics, however, such as Hooker allege that there was no sense of order, no rational
argument nor controlled direction in Indonesia’s founding-father’s addresses. The
element which enabled his style to succeed was that his delivery was ‘inimitable and
unforgettable’. Soekarno’s speeches were undeniably ‘personality-based’ while Soeharto’s
were more policy driven and remembered only through repetition and cliché.
Stability has been viewed as the engaging quality of Soeharto’s New Order and the
underlying difference between both Presidential regimes. However, it must be noted the
threat of the archipelago breaking up, the West’s endeavor to disallow the spread of
communism and the economic turmoil that followed as a result of independence, all
impeded Soekarno.
According to Hooker, stability is a quality valued highly by Javanese society.
Soeharto’s Kromo (High Javanese) style revealed that he was in authority, whereas
Soekarno’s Ngoko (Low Javanese) style suggested otherwise. Soekarno’s over-confidence,
flamboyance, aggressive posturing, and individualism were not in keeping with the
Kromo paradigm. This is in spite of the fact that both leaders were Javanese and
Soekarno came from a more upper-class background than his successor. Each, however,
assumed a contrasting aspect of ‘Javaneseness’ for his public persona and platform
(Hooker, 1993, p. 75).
I think that as an Indonesian constituent, Soeharto’s endeavor to progress and keep
developing the Indonesian economy and society alike, without corruption, would be
considerably heartening and well-received. As a public speaker, however, Soekarno’s
confident, enthusiastic and awe-inspiring deliveries would also drive me to greater
heights. A potential leader with both Soekarno’s and Soeharto’s better qualities is the
very person required to lead the Indonesian archipelago. B.J. Habibie does not appear to
be of that mould.

8
In the Oxford Encyclopedic English Dictionary, the term monologue means [a] a scene in a drama
in which a person speaks alone. [b] a dramatic composition for one performer. [c] a long speech by one
person in a conversation etc.
9
According to the Oxford Encyclopedic English Dictionary, the term dialogue means [a] conversation.
[b] conversation in written form; this as a form of composition. [c] a discussion, esp. one between
representatives of two political groups. [d] a conversation, a talk.
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Conclusion
Soekarno: His Mannerism and Method of Communication (Justin Wejak)
There is no doubt that Soekarno’s confident, enthusiastic and awe-inspiring
deliveries drove Indonesians to greater heights. Soeharto and Habibie, however, would
not be justified in thinking that they achieved the same. The time will reveal how
charismatic Gus Dur is and how enthusiastic he will be to use language effectively.
Virginia Hooker’s article shows just how powerful language can be. Effective use of
language may yield Gus Dur continued success and acclaim whereas ineffective use may
ultimately signal an unfortunate fate for Indonesia’s fourth president. It may be the
very thing that leads to his downfall.
Paul Lyneham, a political commentator, argues that the general charisma shortage
in the present Australian Parliament does leave the Australian people all the poorer.
The same could be said of Indonesia during Soeharto’s New Order regime. According to
Lyneham, charisma is the essential difference between a mere politician and a
statesman: the latter can inspire and unite a community and paint a vision to get people
to fall in behind it, while the former generally fails in this regard. Nobody in Indonesia
has ever inspired such a conflict of emotion as Soekarno.
Soekarno was cursed like a villain and worshipped like a god. He admitted to having
an ego and justified it by welding more than thirteen thousand islands into a nation. He
was vain, but more so appreciated, and so often applauded merely for his theatrical
nature and accomplished oratory skills. Soekarno was without a doubt one of the
greatest charismatic statesmen the world has ever seen. Notwithstanding his affiliation
with communist ideology, Soekarno will long be remembered for his ability to wisely
assimilate performance and language which undeniably facilitated his long-standing
position of power in the Indonesian Republic’s short but dramatic political history.
References
Anderson, Ben. (1991). Language & power: Exploring political cultures in Indonesia.
Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press.
Hanifah, A. (1972). Tales of a revolution. Sydney: Angus and Robertson.
Hooker, Virginia. (1993). New Order Language in Context. Culture & society in New
Order Indonesia. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press.
Lev & McVey. Editors. (1996). Making Indonesia. New York: Cornell University.
Mani. (1986). The story of Indonesian revolution 1945-1950. Madras: University of
Madras.
Porter, L. & S. Williams. (1999). The It Factor. The Sunday Age Magazine 7 November
1999. Melbourne.
Soekarno. (1965). Soekarno: An autobiography. Hong Kong: Gunung Agung.
Jurusan Sastra Inggris, Fakultas Sastra, Universitas Kristen Petra
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BERSANDAR PADA SENJA - PUISI PABLO NERUDA

Bersandar Pada Senja

Sewaktu bersandar pada senja, kutebarkan jala dukaku
ke lautan matamu.

Di sana, kesepianku membesar dan membakar dalam marak api maha tinggi
tangannya menggapai bagai orang lemas.

Kukirim isyarat merah ke arah matamu yang hampa
yang menampar lembut seperti laut di pantai rumah api.

Kau jaga hanya kegelapan, perempuanku yang jauh
pantai ketakutan kadang-kadang muncul dari renunganmu.

Sewaktu bersandar pada senja, kucampakkan jala dukaku
ke laut yang mengocak lautan matamu.

Burung-burung malam mematuk pada bintang-bintang pertama
yang mengerdip seperti kalbuku ketika menyintaimu.

Malam menunggang kuda bayangan
sambil menyelerakkan tangkai-tangkai gandum biru di padang-padang.



Soneta XVII


aku tak mencintaimu seolah-olah kau adalah serbuk mawar, atau batu topaz,
atau panah anyelir yang menyalakan api.
aku mencintaimu seperti sesuatu dalam kegelapan yang harus dicintai,
secara rahasia, diantara bayangan dan jiwa.

aku mencintaimu seperti tumbuhan yang tak pernah mekar
tetapi membawa dalam dirinya sendiri cahaya dari bunga-bunga yang tersembunyi;
terimakasih untuk cintamu suatu wewangian padat,
bermunculan dari dalam tanah, hidup secara gelap di dalam tubuhku.

aku mencintaimu tanpa tahu mengapa, atau kapan, atau darimana
aku mencintaimu lurus, tanpa macam-macam tanpa kebanggaan;
demikianlah aku mencintaimu karena aku tak tahu cara lainnya

beginilah: dimana aku tiada, juga kau,
begitu dekat sehingga tanganmu di dadaku adalah tanganku,
begitu dekat sehingga ketika matamu terpejam akupun jatuh tertidur.

Soneta LXVI


Aku tidak mencintaimu kecuali karena aku mencintaimu;
aku pergi dari mencintaimu menjadi tidak mencintaimu,
dari menunggu menjadi tidak menunggu dirimu
hatiku berjalan dari dingin menjadi berapi.

Aku mencintaimu hanya karena kamulah yang aku cinta;
aku membencimu tanpa henti,
dan membencimu bertekuk kepadamu
dan besarnya cintaku yang berubah untukmu adalah bila aku tidak mencintaimu tetapi mencintaimu dengan buta.

Mungkin cahaya bulan Januari akan memamah hatiku dengan sinar kejamnya,
mencuri kunciku pada ketenangan sejati.

Dalam bagian cerita ini hanya akulah yang mati, hanya satu-satunya,
dan aku akan mati karena cinta karena aku mencintaimu.
karena aku mencintaimu, cintaku, dalam api dan dalam darah.

Soneta XXV


Sebelum aku mencintaimu, cinta, tiada ada yang menjadi milikku:
Aku melambai melalui jalan-jalan, di antara benda-benda:
tiada ada yang berarti ataupun mempunyai sebuah nama:
dunia terbuat dari udara, yang menunggu.

Aku mengenal kamar-kamar yang penuh oleh debu,
terowongan dimana bulan hidup,
gudang-gudang kasar yang menggeram Pergilah,
pertanyaan yang memaksa di dalam pasir.

Semua adalah kekosongan, mati, bisu,
jatuh, terlantar dan membusuk:
tidak diragukan asing, semuanya.

milik orang lain --tidak pada siapapun:
sampai kecantikanmu dan kemiskinanmu
dipenuhi oleh musim gugur yang penuh dengan hadiah.

Tiada Selain Kematian


Adalah kuburan yang kesepian,
makam yang penuh dengan tulang belulang yang tak berbunyi,

Oh Bumi, Nantikan Aku


Pulangkan daku, oh mentari,
ke takdir kasapku,
hujan hutan tua,
kembalikan padaku aroma dan pedang-pedang
yang lepas dari angkasa,
kedamaian sunyi padang rumput dan karang,
kelembapan tepi-tepi sungai,
bau pohon cemara,
angin yang riang laksana jantung
yang berdetak di tengah sesak kegelisahan
araucaria yang besar.

Bumi, kembalikan padaku kado-kado sejatimu,
menara-menara kesunyian yang dahulu
menjulang dari ketakziman akar-akar mereka.
kuingin kembali jadi sosok masa silamku
dan belajar untuk berpaling dari bisikan kalbu
bahwa di antara segala sosok alamiah,
aku mungkin hidup atau hadapi maut;
tak mengapa jadi satu batu baru, batu kelam,
batu sejati yang hanyut oleh sungai.

hati yang berjalan melalui sebuah terowongan,
seperti bangkai kapal kita akan mati memasuki diri kita sendiri,
seakan-akan kita tenggelam dalam hati masing-masing
seakan-akan kita hidup lepas dari kulit kedalam jiwa.

Dan adalah mayat-mayat,
kaki yang terbuat dari tanah liat yang dingin dan lengket,
kematian ada di dalam tulang-tulang,
seperti gonggongan dimana tiada anjing-anjing,
keluar dari bel entah di mana, dari makam entah di mana,
tumbuh di dalam udara lembab seperti tangisan hujan.

Terkadang aku melihat sendiri,
peti mayat yang sedang berangkat,
dimulai dengan kepucatan kematian, dengan wanita yang memiliki rambut mati,
dengan tukang-tukang roti yang seputih malaikat,
dan gadis-gadis muda yang termenung menikah dengan notaris publik,
peti mati melayari vertikal sungai kematian,
sungai berwarna ungu gelap,
menyusuri hulu dengan layar-layar yang berisikan suara-suara kematian,
berisikan suara kematian yang merupakan diam.

Kematian datang dengan semua suara itu
seperti sebuah sepatu tanpa kaki di dalamnya, seperti sebuah jas tanpa seorang laki laki di dalamnya,
datang dan mengetuk, menggunakan sebuah cincin tanpa batu di dalamnya, tanpa jari di dalamnya,
datang dan berteriak tanpa mulut, tanpa lidah, tanpa kerongkongan.
namun langkah-langkahnya bisa didengar
dan pakaiannya membuat suara keheningan, seperti sebuah pohon.

Aku tidak yakin, aku mengerti cuma sedikit, aku tidak bisa begitu melihat,
tetapi sepertinya untukku nyanyiannya memiliki warna kelembaban bunga violet,
dari bunga violet yang berada di rumah di dalam bumi,
karena wajah kematian adalah hijau,
dan muka yang diberikan kematian adalah hijau,
dengan penetrasi kelembaban dari sehelai bunga violet
dan warna muram dari musim dingin yang menyakitkan hati.

Tetapi kematian juga melewati dunia berbaju seperti sebuah sapu,
menyapu lantai, mencari tubuh-tubuh mati,
kematian ada di dalam sapu,
sapu adalah lidah dari kematian yang mencari mayat-mayat,
adalah jarum dari kematian yang mencari benang.

Kematian ada di dalam tempat tidur gantung yang terlipat,
yang menghabiskan hidupnya tidur di atas matras-matras lambat,
di dalam selimut-selimut hitam, dan tiba-tiba melepaskan nafas:
meniupkan suara ratapan yang membengkakkan seprai,
dan tempat-tempat tidur pergi berlayar menuju pelabuhan
dimana kematian sudah menunggu, berpakaian seperti seorang laksmana.


Ya, kukenal dia, dan kulewatkan sederet tahun bersamanya,
dengan hakekatnya yang berasal dari emas dan batu,
ia seorang lelaki yang letih �
di Paraguay ia tinggalkan ayah dan bundanya,
anak-anaknya dan semua keponakannya,
ipar-iparnya yang paling akhir,
pintunya dan ayam-ayamnya,
serta beberapa buku yang setengah terbuka.
Ada suara ketukan pintu.
Ketika ia membukanya, ia disambar polisi
dan mereka menderanya tanpa kata ampun
sehingga ia ludahkan darah di Prancis, di Denmark,
di Spanyol, di Italia, dan bergerak ke sana kemari,
kemudian ia mati dan tak lagi kulihat wajahnya,
tak lagi kudengar kesunyiannya yang dalam;
lalu suatu ketika, pada suatu malam berbadai,
dengan salju yang turun menyelubungi
sebuah mantel licin di daerah pegunungan,
di punggung seekor kuda, di sana, di kejauhan,
kulayangkan pandang dan kulihat sahabatku di sana �
parasnya kini terukir di permukaan sebuah batu,
dan raut wajahnya menantang cuaca liar,
dalam rongga hidungnya angin meniupkan
rintihan seorang lelaki yang tanggung siksa.
di sana, pengasingan temukan titik akhir.
kini ia hidup di tanah airnya walau berwujud batu.

Bangkitlah Indonesia Kita

Bangkitlah

Indonesia

Kita


Ikrar Nusa Bhakti

Profesor riset di Lembaga Ilmu

Pengetahuan Indonesia







KITA memang

sering sekali menjadi

bangsa yang

suka terkaget-kaget.

Kita juga sering kali lambat

untuk memiliki kesadaran baru.

Tengok, misalnya, ketika pesawat

Merpati Nusantara Airline

jatuh di Kaimana, Papua Barat.

Banyak orang yang kaget mengapa

kita membeli pesawat

buatan China MA-60 dan bukan

menggunakan produk bangsa

sendiri CN-235? Ketika hasil

survei Indo Barometer diumumkan

minggu lalu, banyak

orang yang kaget pula karena

salah satu kesimpulannya ialah

responden menilai Orde Baru

lebih baik daripada situasi saat

ini. Ketika Komisi Pemberantasan

Korupsi (KPK) menangkap

Sekretaris Kementerian Pemuda

dan Olahraga Wafi d Muharam

bersama dua orang yang

diduga melakukan penyuapan,

Mindo Rosalina Manulang dan

M El Idris, kita juga terhenyak,

bagaimana mungkin masih ada man

u s i a

Indonesia

yang tega mengorupsi

anggaran

untuk pembangunan

fasilitas olahraga

untuk SEA Games 2011

di Palembang. Kita makin

kaget ketika muncul tuduhan

bahwa Wafid Muharam

adalah kader Partai Keadilan

Sejahtera (PKS) dan mereka

yang terlibat suap-menyuap

antara lain adalah Bendahara

Umum Partai Demokrat M

Nazaruddin dan Angelina

Sondakh, anggota DPR RI dari

Partai Demokrat. Mungkin kita

bertambah kaget lagi saat membaca

berita utama surat kabar

Ibu Kota minggu lalu yang

menyebutkan hampir semua

partai politik tersandera kasus

korupsi! Betapa menyedihkannya

negeri ini.

Kita seakan baru sadar, jika

kelakuan manusia Indonesia,

khususnya kaum elite yang

berada di eksekutif dan legislatif,

amat korup, lebih mementingkan

diri sendiri dan

kelompoknya, bagaimana

pula nasib bangsa ini

ke depan. Di tengah

bangsa-bangsa lain di

Asia Tenggara yang

sedang menggeliat

untuk dapat

bersaing di era

globalisasi

politik dan

ekonomi,

I n d o -

nesia

seakan

m a s i h

t e r k u n g -

kung oleh perilaku

elite politiknya

yang korup

dan kurang memiliki

rasa kebangsaan untuk lebih

mendahulukan penggunaan

produk bangsa sendiri ketimbang

bangsa asing. Slogan

‘cintailah produk-produk Indonesia’

serasa tanpa makna

jika jajaran elite di kabinet sendiri

lebih cinta untuk membeli

produk China pesawat MA-60

ketimbang hasil karya anakanak

bangsa CN-235.

Kita tidak sadar bahwa bangkitnya

Jepang setelah Perang

Dunia II disebabkan adanya

kesadaran warga Jepang untuk

lebih mencintai produk-produk

negaranya sendiri ketimbang

barang impor. Generasi Indonesia

yang lahir pada 1950-an pasti

mengetahui bagaimana produk

Jepang pada era 1960-an atau

1970-an dinilai tidak berkualitas,

cepat rusak, dsb. Namun, melalui

kecintaan orang Jepang pada

produknya sendiri ditambah dengan

inovasi-inovasi baru untuk

menciptakan teknologi baru

yang lebih canggih daripada

teknologi yang diciptakan bangsa-

bangsa Eropa dan Amerika

Serikat, barang-barang Jepang

menjadi barang yang amat berkualitas

di dunia. Melalui sistem

dumping pula barang Jepang

meluas ke seantero dunia dan

dicintai dunia.

Kita juga melihat bagaimana

geliat ekonomi Korea Selatan

sejak 1980-an dan China sejak

1990-an. Produk Korea Selatan

awalnya juga dinilai tidak bermutu.

Kini siapa yang tidak

tahu merek dagang LG, Samsung,

Hyundai, KIA, Daewoo?

Siapa pula di dunia ini yang

tidak pernah membeli suvenir

di luar negeri yang ternyata

buatan China? Siapa yang

tidak sadar betapa produk

alas kaki, tekstil dan produk

tekstil, mainan anak-anak atau

elektronik murahan China menguasai

pasaran dunia? Siapa

yang tidak tahu bahwa China

adalah negara utama yang

membeli surat utang Negara

Amerika Serikat? Siapa pula

yang tidak tahu bahwa perusahaan

kimia dan minyak China

berusaha untuk menguasai

ladang-ladang minyak dunia

termasuk di Indonesia? Sadarkah

kita bahwa pemerintah

Indonesia lebih mendahulukan

perusahaan minyak China untuk

mengeksplorasi minyak di

ladang Madura Barat dan bukan

sebagian besar diberikan

kepada perusahaan

BUMN Pertamina?

Kita jangan kaget

bila ada pejabat

I n d o n e s i a

yang akan

m e n g a -

takan,

“This

i s

nothi

n g t o

do with nationalism,

this

is purely business!”

Kita tentunya akan terus

mengelus dada jika

ada petinggi Republik yang

lebih tunduk pada China atau

AS demi uang atau politik, dan

mengesampingkan kepentingan

nasional kita. Jika kebijakan

ekonomi Indonesia dijadikan patokan, mungkin akan banyak

data bermunculan bahwa

eksekutif dan legislatif kita semuanya

sudah melenceng dari

konstitusi negara kita, Undang-

Undang Dasar Negara Republik

Indonesia 1945.

Sadarkah kita bahwa pemerintahan

SBY-Boediono amat

takut untuk mengajukan usulan

kontrak baru PT Freeport

yang lebih menguntungkan

Indonesia? Padahal pada 1994

Freeport mengajukan kontrak

baru karena area produksinya

diperluas. Kita memang tidak

memiliki elite politik seberani

Bung Karno yang mengatakan,

“Go to hell with your aid,” yang

kini bisa ganti dengan kalimat

‘Go to hell with your moneyÊ atau

‘Go to hell with your investmentÊ

jika investasi atau uang China,

AS, atau negara lain yang diinvestasikan

di negeri kita

tidak memberikan manfaat bagi

bangsa dan negara kita, tetapi

hanya untuk mengeruk kekayaan

kita dan memiskinkan

rakyat.

Kita di Indonesia terasa terhenyak

ketika barang-barang

China yang masuk ke Indonesia

ternyata bukan saja barang khas

China, melainkan juga batik

yang notabene adalah produk

khas Indonesia. Entah sampai

kapan kita tetap lebih memilih

untuk menggunakan batik

produk Indonesia ketimbang

produk China. Ini bukan soal

antiglobalisasi atau antiasing,

tapi sadarkah kita kalau di

negara-negara maju seperti di

Australia, AS, dan negara-negara

Eropa banyak kalangan yang

sangat antiglobalisasi dan ingin

memproteksi produk atau hasil

pertanian dari negara mereka

sendiri.

Sadarlah para elite politik

kita di kabinet dan

elite ekonomi kita yang

tergabung di Kamar

Dagang dan Industri

(Kadin) mengenai

gempuran barang-barang

murah dan tidak

bermutu dari China tersebut. Kini China bahkan

sudah merambah ke teknologi

dirgantara, yakni dengan menjual

produk yang di negerinya

sendiri kurang laku, pesawat

MA-60!

Orde Baru lebih baik?

Kita sering tercengang jika

masih ada orang yang mengatakan

bahwa Orde Baru lebih

baik daripada Orde Reformasi

atau Soeharto lebih baik daripada

SBY. Pandangan bahwa

Orde Baru lebih baik daripada

era reformasi bukanlah hal

yang baru. Sejak awal reformasi

pun banyak orang yang menilai

seperti itu, bukan hanya dari

kalangan kroni atau elite politik

yang diuntungkan era otoriter

itu, melainkan juga rakyat miskin

kota.

Sanjungan terhadap Orde

Baru disebabkan anggapan

bahwa di era Soeharto stabilitas

politik dan keamanan

terjaga, pertumbuhan ekonomi

meningkat, pemerataan

juga terjadi. Di era Soeharto

tak dapat dimungkiri harga

barang-barang dan pangan

terjangkau, sekolah dan kuliah

murah, kesehatan juga

terjamin karena puskesmas

ada di hampir semua wilayah

Tanah Air.

Namun, sadarkah kita bahwa

segala yang ada saat itu ada

pula yang bersifat semu? Stabilitas

politik dan keamanan

kita saat itu tercapai karena

politik deparpolisasi dan

depolitisasi yang dilakukan

pemerintah terhadap partaipartai

politik. Demonstrasi mahasiswa

juga hanya sekali-kali

terjadi pada 1974 (Malari), 1978

(saat Sidang MPR RI untuk

melantik Soeharto kembali jadi

presiden), dan 1979 (saat pemerintah

menerapkan normalisasi

kehidupan kampus dan badan

koordinasi kemahasiswaan--

NKK dan BKK--serta pembubaran

Dewan Mahasiswa di

seluruh universitas negeri).

Demonstrasi besar baru terjadi

pada 1997 dan 1998 saat Indonesia

mengalami persoalan

ekonomi besar sejalan dengan

krisis keuangan dan ekonomi

kawasan Asia Tenggara yang

berakhir dengan jatuhnya Soeharto.

Stabilitas politik dan

keamanan juga tercipta karena

semua organisasi sosial adalah

bagian dari korporatisme negara,

dari PWI, KNPI, karang taruna,

sampai ke MUI sekalipun.

Stabilitas politik dan keamanan

juga terjaga karena Indonesia

berada di bawah sepatu lars

tentara, tak ada aspek kehi-

dupan dalam masyarakat yang

lepas dari intervensi ABRI.

ABRI saat itu bukan memiliki

dwifungsi ABRI, melainkan

hanya satu fungsi, ‘that ABRI

was running everything!Ê.

Sadarkah kita betapa persoalan

hak asasi manusia menjadi

persoalan pelik di negeri kita,

baik saat Soeharto dan dalam

kadar yang lebih rendah hingga

saat ini? Sadarkah bahwa perilaku

aparat negara masih belum

berubah secara total menuju

yang lebih manusiawi?

Kita juga masih melihat betapa

korupsi masih merajalela

di eksekutif dan legislatif. Politisi

di eksekutif dan legislatif

dapat dikatakan sebagai

penyumbang terbesar dari

korupsi di negeri ini. Jika para

elite politik yang korup itu

ditangkapi dan ditahan, bukan

mustahil negeri ini akan masuk

Guinness Book of Record sebagai

negara dengan elite politiknya

dari Sabang sampai Merauke

memenuhi rumah-rumah tahanan

dan lembaga-lembaga

pemasyarakatan kita.

Bangkitlah negeriku

Indonesia adalah milik kita dan

kita untuk Indonesia. Demokrasi

kita memang belum matang. Namun,

bila tingkah laku para elite

parpol dipaksa untuk diubah

melalui penerapan penegakan

hukum yang konsisten dan

tanpa pandang bulu, bila pemilu

dijalankan tanpa politik uang,

bila pendidikan politik rakyat

dan para elite partai berjalan

baik, penulis percaya, dalam tiga

pemilihan umum mendatang

Indonesia akan terbentuk menjadi

negara dengan kematangan

demokrasi yang baik.

Bila kita semua mencintai

produk Indonesia, bukan mustahil

kuantitas dan kualitas

produk kita akan semakin baik.

Mari kita jadikan Indonesia

sebagai surga bagi produkproduknya

sendiri sehingga

tanpa kebijakan proteksionis

pun negeri ini akan terhindar

dari deindustrialisasi yang

semakin masif.

Mari kita bangun kembali

keindonesiaan kita sehingga

‘seribu bunga dapat berkembang

dan menghiasi taman nasionalisme

Indonesia!’. Tanpa

rasa kebangsaan kita, negeri

ini akan terus tercabik oleh

konfl ik antaretnik dan agama

yang semuanya terkait dengan

pertarungan antarelite.

Indonesia akan bangkit jika

semua anak bangsa sadar bahwa

kita milik Indonesia dan

Indonesia milik kita!

Lulusan terbaik Demak, Jawa Tengah, terancam tidak akan menerima ijazah

DEMAK - Lulusan terbaik pelajar SMK di Demak, Jawa Tengah, terancam tidak akan menerima ijazah karena ditahan sekolahnya. Ketiadaan biaya membuatnya harus menunggak pembayaran biaya sekolah hingga jutaan rupiah.

Shobar dan ibunya, Lianah, tampak lesu ketika dipanggil bagian tata usaha SMK Al Kautsariyah untuk segera menyelesaikan tunggakan administrasi. Selama tiga tahun belajar di jurusan multimedia, Shobar belum pernah sama sekali membayar sumbangan penyelenggaraan pendidikan (SPP) yang besarnya Rp50 ribu per bulan.

Selain itu, sejumlah pembayaran lain juga tidak dipenuhi, hingga totalnya mencapai Rp4.185.000. Biaya sebesar itu meliputi SPP, pendaftaran ulang, biaya ujian tengah semester, dan ujian akhir semester.

Menurut Kepala Bagian Tata Usaha SMK Al Kautsariyah, Mushonef, meski menunggak pembayaran sekolah, namun Shobar masih tetap diizinkan mengikuti pelajaran dan ujian nasional (UN) beberapa waktu lalu. Apalagi selama ini, Shobar tercatat sebagai siswa yang berprestasi dan sering mewakili sekolah mengikuti berbagai lomba.

Pada ujian kompetensi keahlian Shobar, memperoleh peringkat pertama di Kabupaten Demak untuk SMK negeri maupun swasta. Sementara pada UN lalu, dia memperoleh nilai 9 pada mata pelajaran bahasa Inggris, dan nilai rata-rata semua mata pelajaran 8,2. Jika hingga akhir bulan Mei ini Shobar belum melunasi tunggakannya, maka ijazah tidak dapat diberikan.

Sementara ibu Shobar, Lianah, hanya bisa pasrah jika nanti ijazah anaknya ditahan sekolah. Sebagai pembuat tali tampar dari tanaman gebang, dengan penghasilan Rp6.000 per hari, tentu kesulitan untuk mengumpulkan uang lebih dari Rp4 juta itu dalam waktu singkat.

Lianah berharap, pihak sekolah melunak dan bersedia memberikan ijazah anaknya, agar dapat digunakan untuk mendaftar pekerjaan.(Taufik Budi/SUN TV/rfa)

Convention on the Rights of the Child

Convention on the Rights of the Child


Adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by General Assembly resolution 44/25 of 20 November 1989
Entry into force 2 September 1990, in accordance with article 49
Preamble

The States Parties to the present Convention,

Considering that, in accordance with the principles proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations, recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world,

Bearing in mind that the peoples of the United Nations have, in the Charter, reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights and in the dignity and worth of the human person, and have determined to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom,

Recognizing that the United Nations has, in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and in the International Covenants on Human Rights, proclaimed and agreed that everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth therein, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status,

Recalling that, in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the United Nations has proclaimed that childhood is entitled to special care and assistance,

Convinced that the family, as the fundamental group of society and the natural environment for the growth and well-being of all its members and particularly children, should be afforded the necessary protection and assistance so that it can fully assume its responsibilities within the community,

Recognizing that the child, for the full and harmonious development of his or her personality, should grow up in a family environment, in an atmosphere of happiness, love and understanding,

Considering that the child should be fully prepared to live an individual life in society, and brought up in the spirit of the ideals proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations, and in particular in the spirit of peace, dignity, tolerance, freedom, equality and solidarity,

Bearing in mind that the need to extend particular care to the child has been stated in the Geneva Declaration of the Rights of the Child of 1924 and in the Declaration of the Rights of the Child adopted by the General Assembly on 20 November 1959 and recognized in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (in particular in articles 23 and 24), in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (in particular in article 10) and in the statutes and relevant instruments of specialized agencies and international organizations concerned with the welfare of children,

Bearing in mind that, as indicated in the Declaration of the Rights of the Child, "the child, by reason of his physical and mental immaturity, needs special safeguards and care, including appropriate legal protection, before as well as after birth",

Recalling the provisions of the Declaration on Social and Legal Principles relating to the Protection and Welfare of Children, with Special Reference to Foster Placement and Adoption Nationally and Internationally; the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Administration of Juvenile Justice (The Beijing Rules); and the Declaration on the Protection of Women and Children in Emergency and Armed Conflict, Recognizing that, in all countries in the world, there are children living in exceptionally difficult conditions, and that such children need special consideration,

Taking due account of the importance of the traditions and cultural values of each people for the protection and harmonious development of the child, Recognizing the importance of international co-operation for improving the living conditions of children in every country, in particular in the developing countries,

Have agreed as follows:
PART I
Article 1
For the purposes of the present Convention, a child means every human being below the age of eighteen years unless under the law applicable to the child, majority is attained earlier.
Article 2

1. States Parties shall respect and ensure the rights set forth in the present Convention to each child within their jurisdiction without discrimination of any kind, irrespective of the child's or his or her parent's or legal guardian's race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national, ethnic or social origin, property, disability, birth or other status.

2. States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure that the child is protected against all forms of discrimination or punishment on the basis of the status, activities, expressed opinions, or beliefs of the child's parents, legal guardians, or family members.
Article 3

1. In all actions concerning children, whether undertaken by public or private social welfare institutions, courts of law, administrative authorities or legislative bodies, the best interests of the child shall be a primary consideration.

2. States Parties undertake to ensure the child such protection and care as is necessary for his or her well-being, taking into account the rights and duties of his or her parents, legal guardians, or other individuals legally responsible for him or her, and, to this end, shall take all appropriate legislative and administrative measures.

3. States Parties shall ensure that the institutions, services and facilities responsible for the care or protection of children shall conform with the standards established by competent authorities, particularly in the areas of safety, health, in the number and suitability of their staff, as well as competent supervision.
Article 4
States Parties shall undertake all appropriate legislative, administrative, and other measures for the implementation of the rights recognized in the present Convention. With regard to economic, social and cultural rights, States Parties shall undertake such measures to the maximum extent of their available resources and, where needed, within the framework of international co-operation.
Article 5
States Parties shall respect the responsibilities, rights and duties of parents or, where applicable, the members of the extended family or community as provided for by local custom, legal guardians or other persons legally responsible for the child, to provide, in a manner consistent with the evolving capacities of the child, appropriate direction and guidance in the exercise by the child of the rights recognized in the present Convention.
Article 6

1. States Parties recognize that every child has the inherent right to life.

2. States Parties shall ensure to the maximum extent possible the survival and development of the child.
Article 7

1. The child shall be registered immediately after birth and shall have the right from birth to a name, the right to acquire a nationality and. as far as possible, the right to know and be cared for by his or her parents.

2. States Parties shall ensure the implementation of these rights in accordance with their national law and their obligations under the relevant international instruments in this field, in particular where the child would otherwise be stateless.
Article 8

1. States Parties undertake to respect the right of the child to preserve his or her identity, including nationality, name and family relations as recognized by law without unlawful interference.

2. Where a child is illegally deprived of some or all of the elements of his or her identity, States Parties shall provide appropriate assistance and protection, with a view to re-establishing speedily his or her identity.
Article 9

1. States Parties shall ensure that a child shall not be separated from his or her parents against their will, except when competent authorities subject to judicial review determine, in accordance with applicable law and procedures, that such separation is necessary for the best interests of the child. Such determination may be necessary in a particular case such as one involving abuse or neglect of the child by the parents, or one where the parents are living separately and a decision must be made as to the child's place of residence.

2. In any proceedings pursuant to paragraph 1 of the present article, all interested parties shall be given an opportunity to participate in the proceedings and make their views known.

3. States Parties shall respect the right of the child who is separated from one or both parents to maintain personal relations and direct contact with both parents on a regular basis, except if it is contrary to the child's best interests.

4. Where such separation results from any action initiated by a State Party, such as the detention, imprisonment, exile, deportation or death (including death arising from any cause while the person is in the custody of the State) of one or both parents or of the child, that State Party shall, upon request, provide the parents, the child or, if appropriate, another member of the family with the essential information concerning the whereabouts of the absent member(s) of the family unless the provision of the information would be detrimental to the well-being of the child. States Parties shall further ensure that the submission of such a request shall of itself entail no adverse consequences for the person(s) concerned.
Article 10

1. In accordance with the obligation of States Parties under article 9, paragraph 1, applications by a child or his or her parents to enter or leave a State Party for the purpose of family reunification shall be dealt with by States Parties in a positive, humane and expeditious manner. States Parties shall further ensure that the submission of such a request shall entail no adverse consequences for the applicants and for the members of their family.

2. A child whose parents reside in different States shall have the right to maintain on a regular basis, save in exceptional circumstances personal relations and direct contacts with both parents. Towards that end and in accordance with the obligation of States Parties under article 9, paragraph 1, States Parties shall respect the right of the child and his or her parents to leave any country, including their own, and to enter their own country. The right to leave any country shall be subject only to such restrictions as are prescribed by law and which are necessary to protect the national security, public order (ordre public), public health or morals or the rights and freedoms of others and are consistent with the other rights recognized in the present Convention.
Article 11

1. States Parties shall take measures to combat the illicit transfer and non-return of children abroad.

2. To this end, States Parties shall promote the conclusion of bilateral or multilateral agreements or accession to existing agreements.
Article 12

1. States Parties shall assure to the child who is capable of forming his or her own views the right to express those views freely in all matters affecting the child, the views of the child being given due weight in accordance with the age and maturity of the child.

2. For this purpose, the child shall in particular be provided the opportunity to be heard in any judicial and administrative proceedings affecting the child, either directly, or through a representative or an appropriate body, in a manner consistent with the procedural rules of national law.
Article 13

1. The child shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of the child's choice.

2. The exercise of this right may be subject to certain restrictions, but these shall only be such as are provided by law and are necessary:

(a) For respect of the rights or reputations of others; or

(b) For the protection of national security or of public order (ordre public), or of public health or morals.
Article 14

1. States Parties shall respect the right of the child to freedom of thought, conscience and religion.

2. States Parties shall respect the rights and duties of the parents and, when applicable, legal guardians, to provide direction to the child in the exercise of his or her right in a manner consistent with the evolving capacities of the child.

3. Freedom to manifest one's religion or beliefs may be subject only to such limitations as are prescribed by law and are necessary to protect public safety, order, health or morals, or the fundamental rights and freedoms of others.
Article 15

1. States Parties recognize the rights of the child to freedom of association and to freedom of peaceful assembly.

2. No restrictions may be placed on the exercise of these rights other than those imposed in conformity with the law and which are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security or public safety, public order (ordre public), the protection of public health or morals or the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.
Article 16

1. No child shall be subjected to arbitrary or unlawful interference with his or her privacy, family, or correspondence, nor to unlawful attacks on his or her honour and reputation.

2. The child has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks.
Article 17

States Parties recognize the important function performed by the mass media and shall ensure that the child has access to information and material from a diversity of national and international sources, especially those aimed at the promotion of his or her social, spiritual and moral well-being and physical and mental health.

To this end, States Parties shall:

(a) Encourage the mass media to disseminate information and material of social and cultural benefit to the child and in accordance with the spirit of article 29;

(b) Encourage international co-operation in the production, exchange and dissemination of such information and material from a diversity of cultural, national and international sources;

(c) Encourage the production and dissemination of children's books;

(d) Encourage the mass media to have particular regard to the linguistic needs of the child who belongs to a minority group or who is indigenous;

(e) Encourage the development of appropriate guidelines for the protection of the child from information and material injurious to his or her well-being, bearing in mind the provisions of articles 13 and 18.
Article 18

1. States Parties shall use their best efforts to ensure recognition of the principle that both parents have common responsibilities for the upbringing and development of the child. Parents or, as the case may be, legal guardians, have the primary responsibility for the upbringing and development of the child. The best interests of the child will be their basic concern.

2. For the purpose of guaranteeing and promoting the rights set forth in the present Convention, States Parties shall render appropriate assistance to parents and legal guardians in the performance of their child-rearing responsibilities and shall ensure the development of institutions, facilities and services for the care of children.

3. States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure that children of working parents have the right to benefit from child-care services and facilities for which they are eligible.
Article 19

1. States Parties shall take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect the child from all forms of physical or mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation, including sexual abuse, while in the care of parent(s), legal guardian(s) or any other person who has the care of the child.

2. Such protective measures should, as appropriate, include effective procedures for the establishment of social programmes to provide necessary support for the child and for those who have the care of the child, as well as for other forms of prevention and for identification, reporting, referral, investigation, treatment and follow-up of instances of child maltreatment described heretofore, and, as appropriate, for judicial involvement.
Article 20

1. A child temporarily or permanently deprived of his or her family environment, or in whose own best interests cannot be allowed to remain in that environment, shall be entitled to special protection and assistance provided by the State.

2. States Parties shall in accordance with their national laws ensure alternative care for such a child.

3. Such care could include, inter alia, foster placement, kafalah of Islamic law, adoption or if necessary placement in suitable institutions for the care of children. When considering solutions, due regard shall be paid to the desirability of continuity in a child's upbringing and to the child's ethnic, religious, cultural and linguistic background.
Article 21

States Parties that recognize and/or permit the system of adoption shall ensure that the best interests of the child shall be the paramount consideration and they shall:

(a) Ensure that the adoption of a child is authorized only by competent authorities who determine, in accordance with applicable law and procedures and on the basis of all pertinent and reliable information, that the adoption is permissible in view of the child's status concerning parents, relatives and legal guardians and that, if required, the persons concerned have given their informed consent to the adoption on the basis of such counselling as may be necessary;

(b) Recognize that inter-country adoption may be considered as an alternative means of child's care, if the child cannot be placed in a foster or an adoptive family or cannot in any suitable manner be cared for in the child's country of origin;

(c) Ensure that the child concerned by inter-country adoption enjoys safeguards and standards equivalent to those existing in the case of national adoption;

(d) Take all appropriate measures to ensure that, in inter-country adoption, the placement does not result in improper financial gain for those involved in it;

(e) Promote, where appropriate, the objectives of the present article by concluding bilateral or multilateral arrangements or agreements, and endeavour, within this framework, to ensure that the placement of the child in another country is carried out by competent authorities or organs.
Article 22

1. States Parties shall take appropriate measures to ensure that a child who is seeking refugee status or who is considered a refugee in accordance with applicable international or domestic law and procedures shall, whether unaccompanied or accompanied by his or her parents or by any other person, receive appropriate protection and humanitarian assistance in the enjoyment of applicable rights set forth in the present Convention and in other international human rights or humanitarian instruments to which the said States are Parties.

2. For this purpose, States Parties shall provide, as they consider appropriate, co-operation in any efforts by the United Nations and other competent intergovernmental organizations or non-governmental organizations co-operating with the United Nations to protect and assist such a child and to trace the parents or other members of the family of any refugee child in order to obtain information necessary for reunification with his or her family. In cases where no parents or other members of the family can be found, the child shall be accorded the same protection as any other child permanently or temporarily deprived of his or her family environment for any reason , as set forth in the present Convention.
Article 23

1. States Parties recognize that a mentally or physically disabled child should enjoy a full and decent life, in conditions which ensure dignity, promote self-reliance and facilitate the child's active participation in the community.

2. States Parties recognize the right of the disabled child to special care and shall encourage and ensure the extension, subject to available resources, to the eligible child and those responsible for his or her care, of assistance for which application is made and which is appropriate to the child's condition and to the circumstances of the parents or others caring for the child.

3. Recognizing the special needs of a disabled child, assistance extended in accordance with paragraph 2 of the present article shall be provided free of charge, whenever possible, taking into account the financial resources of the parents or others caring for the child, and shall be designed to ensure that the disabled child has effective access to and receives education, training, health care services, rehabilitation services, preparation for employment and recreation opportunities in a manner conducive to the child's achieving the fullest possible social integration and individual development, including his or her cultural and spiritual development

4. States Parties shall promote, in the spirit of international cooperation, the exchange of appropriate information in the field of preventive health care and of medical, psychological and functional treatment of disabled children, including dissemination of and access to information concerning methods of rehabilitation, education and vocational services, with the aim of enabling States Parties to improve their capabilities and skills and to widen their experience in these areas. In this regard, particular account shall be taken of the needs of developing countries.
Article 24

1. States Parties recognize the right of the child to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of health and to facilities for the treatment of illness and rehabilitation of health. States Parties shall strive to ensure that no child is deprived of his or her right of access to such health care services.

2. States Parties shall pursue full implementation of this right and, in particular, shall take appropriate measures:

(a) To diminish infant and child mortality;

(b) To ensure the provision of necessary medical assistance and health care to all children with emphasis on the development of primary health care;

(c) To combat disease and malnutrition, including within the framework of primary health care, through, inter alia, the application of readily available technology and through the provision of adequate nutritious foods and clean drinking-water, taking into consideration the dangers and risks of environmental pollution;

(d) To ensure appropriate pre-natal and post-natal health care for mothers;

(e) To ensure that all segments of society, in particular parents and children, are informed, have access to education and are supported in the use of basic knowledge of child health and nutrition, the advantages of breastfeeding, hygiene and environmental sanitation and the prevention of accidents;

(f) To develop preventive health care, guidance for parents and family planning education and services.

3. States Parties shall take all effective and appropriate measures with a view to abolishing traditional practices prejudicial to the health of children.

4. States Parties undertake to promote and encourage international co-operation with a view to achieving progressively the full realization of the right recognized in the present article. In this regard, particular account shall be taken of the needs of developing countries.
Article 25

States Parties recognize the right of a child who has been placed by the competent authorities for the purposes of care, protection or treatment of his or her physical or mental health, to a periodic review of the treatment provided to the child and all other circumstances relevant to his or her placement.
Article 26

1. States Parties shall recognize for every child the right to benefit from social security, including social insurance, and shall take the necessary measures to achieve the full realization of this right in accordance with their national law.

2. The benefits should, where appropriate, be granted, taking into account the resources and the circumstances of the child and persons having responsibility for the maintenance of the child, as well as any other consideration relevant to an application for benefits made by or on behalf of the child.
Article 27

1. States Parties recognize the right of every child to a standard of living adequate for the child's physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social development.

2. The parent(s) or others responsible for the child have the primary responsibility to secure, within their abilities and financial capacities, the conditions of living necessary for the child's development.

3. States Parties, in accordance with national conditions and within their means, shall take appropriate measures to assist parents and others responsible for the child to implement this right and shall in case of need provide material assistance and support programmes, particularly with regard to nutrition, clothing and housing.

4. States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to secure the recovery of maintenance for the child from the parents or other persons having financial responsibility for the child, both within the State Party and from abroad. In particular, where the person having financial responsibility for the child lives in a State different from that of the child, States Parties shall promote the accession to international agreements or the conclusion of such agreements, as well as the making of other appropriate arrangements.
Article 28

1. States Parties recognize the right of the child to education, and with a view to achieving this right progressively and on the basis of equal opportunity, they shall, in particular:

(a) Make primary education compulsory and available free to all;

(b) Encourage the development of different forms of secondary education, including general and vocational education, make them available and accessible to every child, and take appropriate measures such as the introduction of free education and offering financial assistance in case of need;

(c) Make higher education accessible to all on the basis of capacity by every appropriate means;

(d) Make educational and vocational information and guidance available and accessible to all children;

(e) Take measures to encourage regular attendance at schools and the reduction of drop-out rates.

2. States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure that school discipline is administered in a manner consistent with the child's human dignity and in conformity with the present Convention.

3. States Parties shall promote and encourage international cooperation in matters relating to education, in particular with a view to contributing to the elimination of ignorance and illiteracy throughout the world and facilitating access to scientific and technical knowledge and modern teaching methods. In this regard, particular account shall be taken of the needs of developing countries.
Article 29

1. States Parties agree that the education of the child shall be directed to:

(a) The development of the child's personality, talents and mental and physical abilities to their fullest potential;

(b) The development of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, and for the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations;

(c) The development of respect for the child's parents, his or her own cultural identity, language and values, for the national values of the country in which the child is living, the country from which he or she may originate, and for civilizations different from his or her own;

(d) The preparation of the child for responsible life in a free society, in the spirit of understanding, peace, tolerance, equality of sexes, and friendship among all peoples, ethnic, national and religious groups and persons of indigenous origin;

(e) The development of respect for the natural environment.

2. No part of the present article or article 28 shall be construed so as to interfere with the liberty of individuals and bodies to establish and direct educational institutions, subject always to the observance of the principle set forth in paragraph 1 of the present article and to the requirements that the education given in such institutions shall conform to such minimum standards as may be laid down by the State.
Article 30

In those States in which ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities or persons of indigenous origin exist, a child belonging to such a minority or who is indigenous shall not be denied the right, in community with other members of his or her group, to enjoy his or her own culture, to profess and practise his or her own religion, or to use his or her own language.
Article 31

1. States Parties recognize the right of the child to rest and leisure, to engage in play and recreational activities appropriate to the age of the child and to participate freely in cultural life and the arts.

2. States Parties shall respect and promote the right of the child to participate fully in cultural and artistic life and shall encourage the provision of appropriate and equal opportunities for cultural, artistic, recreational and leisure activity.
Article 32

1. States Parties recognize the right of the child to be protected from economic exploitation and from performing any work that is likely to be hazardous or to interfere with the child's education, or to be harmful to the child's health or physical, mental, spiritual, moral or social development.

2. States Parties shall take legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to ensure the implementation of the present article. To this end, and having regard to the relevant provisions of other international instruments, States Parties shall in particular:

(a) Provide for a minimum age or minimum ages for admission to employment;

(b) Provide for appropriate regulation of the hours and conditions of employment;

(c) Provide for appropriate penalties or other sanctions to ensure the effective enforcement of the present article.
Article 33

States Parties shall take all appropriate measures, including legislative, administrative, social and educational measures, to protect children from the illicit use of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances as defined in the relevant international treaties, and to prevent the use of children in the illicit production and trafficking of such substances.
Article 34

States Parties undertake to protect the child from all forms of sexual exploitation and sexual abuse. For these purposes, States Parties shall in particular take all appropriate national, bilateral and multilateral measures to prevent:

(a) The inducement or coercion of a child to engage in any unlawful sexual activity;

(b) The exploitative use of children in prostitution or other unlawful sexual practices;

(c) The exploitative use of children in pornographic performances and materials.
Article 35

States Parties shall take all appropriate national, bilateral and multilateral measures to prevent the abduction of, the sale of or traffic in children for any purpose or in any form.
Article 36

States Parties shall protect the child against all other forms of exploitation prejudicial to any aspects of the child's welfare.
Article 37

States Parties shall ensure that:

(a) No child shall be subjected to torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Neither capital punishment nor life imprisonment without possibility of release shall be imposed for offences committed by persons below eighteen years of age;

(b) No child shall be deprived of his or her liberty unlawfully or arbitrarily. The arrest, detention or imprisonment of a child shall be in conformity with the law and shall be used only as a measure of last resort and for the shortest appropriate period of time;

(c) Every child deprived of liberty shall be treated with humanity and respect for the inherent dignity of the human person, and in a manner which takes into account the needs of persons of his or her age. In particular, every child deprived of liberty shall be separated from adults unless it is considered in the child's best interest not to do so and shall have the right to maintain contact with his or her family through correspondence and visits, save in exceptional circumstances;

(d) Every child deprived of his or her liberty shall have the right to prompt access to legal and other appropriate assistance, as well as the right to challenge the legality of the deprivation of his or her liberty before a court or other competent, independent and impartial authority, and to a prompt decision on any such action.
Article 38

1. States Parties undertake to respect and to ensure respect for rules of international humanitarian law applicable to them in armed conflicts which are relevant to the child.

2. States Parties shall take all feasible measures to ensure that persons who have not attained the age of fifteen years do not take a direct part in hostilities.

3. States Parties shall refrain from recruiting any person who has not attained the age of fifteen years into their armed forces. In recruiting among those persons who have attained the age of fifteen years but who have not attained the age of eighteen years, States Parties shall endeavour to give priority to those who are oldest.

4. In accordance with their obligations under international humanitarian law to protect the civilian population in armed conflicts, States Parties shall take all feasible measures to ensure protection and care of children who are affected by an armed conflict.
Article 39

States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to promote physical and psychological recovery and social reintegration of a child victim of: any form of neglect, exploitation, or abuse; torture or any other form of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment; or armed conflicts. Such recovery and reintegration shall take place in an environment which fosters the health, self-respect and dignity of the child.
Article 40

1. States Parties recognize the right of every child alleged as, accused of, or recognized as having infringed the penal law to be treated in a manner consistent with the promotion of the child's sense of dignity and worth, which reinforces the child's respect for the human rights and fundamental freedoms of others and which takes into account the child's age and the desirability of promoting the child's reintegration and the child's assuming a constructive role in society.

2. To this end, and having regard to the relevant provisions of international instruments, States Parties shall, in particular, ensure that:

(a) No child shall be alleged as, be accused of, or recognized as having infringed the penal law by reason of acts or omissions that were not prohibited by national or international law at the time they were committed;

(b) Every child alleged as or accused of having infringed the penal law has at least the following guarantees:

(i) To be presumed innocent until proven guilty according to law;

(ii) To be informed promptly and directly of the charges against him or her, and, if appropriate, through his or her parents or legal guardians, and to have legal or other appropriate assistance in the preparation and presentation of his or her defence;

(iii) To have the matter determined without delay by a competent, independent and impartial authority or judicial body in a fair hearing according to law, in the presence of legal or other appropriate assistance and, unless it is considered not to be in the best interest of the child, in particular, taking into account his or her age or situation, his or her parents or legal guardians;

(iv) Not to be compelled to give testimony or to confess guilt; to examine or have examined adverse witnesses and to obtain the participation and examination of witnesses on his or her behalf under conditions of equality;

(v) If considered to have infringed the penal law, to have this decision and any measures imposed in consequence thereof reviewed by a higher competent, independent and impartial authority or judicial body according to law;

(vi) To have the free assistance of an interpreter if the child cannot understand or speak the language used;

(vii) To have his or her privacy fully respected at all stages of the proceedings.

3. States Parties shall seek to promote the establishment of laws, procedures, authorities and institutions specifically applicable to children alleged as, accused of, or recognized as having infringed the penal law, and, in particular:

(a) The establishment of a minimum age below which children shall be presumed not to have the capacity to infringe the penal law;

(b) Whenever appropriate and desirable, measures for dealing with such children without resorting to judicial proceedings, providing that human rights and legal safeguards are fully respected. 4. A variety of dispositions, such as care, guidance and supervision orders; counselling; probation; foster care; education and vocational training programmes and other alternatives to institutional care shall be available to ensure that children are dealt with in a manner appropriate to their well-being and proportionate both to their circumstances and the offence.
Article 41

Nothing in the present Convention shall affect any provisions which are more conducive to the realization of the rights of the child and which may be contained in:

(a) The law of a State party; or

(b) International law in force for that State.
PART II
Article 42

States Parties undertake to make the principles and provisions of the Convention widely known, by appropriate and active means, to adults and children alike.
Article 43

1. For the purpose of examining the progress made by States Parties in achieving the realization of the obligations undertaken in the present Convention, there shall be established a Committee on the Rights of the Child, which shall carry out the functions hereinafter provided.

2. The Committee shall consist of eighteen experts of high moral standing and recognized competence in the field covered by this Convention.1/ The members of the Committee shall be elected by States Parties from among their nationals and shall serve in their personal capacity, consideration being given to equitable geographical distribution, as well as to the principal legal systems.

3. The members of the Committee shall be elected by secret ballot from a list of persons nominated by States Parties. Each State Party may nominate one person from among its own nationals.

4. The initial election to the Committee shall be held no later than six months after the date of the entry into force of the present Convention and thereafter every second year. At least four months before the date of each election, the Secretary-General of the United Nations shall address a letter to States Parties inviting them to submit their nominations within two months. The Secretary-General shall subsequently prepare a list in alphabetical order of all persons thus nominated, indicating States Parties which have nominated them, and shall submit it to the States Parties to the present Convention.

5. The elections shall be held at meetings of States Parties convened by the Secretary-General at United Nations Headquarters. At those meetings, for which two thirds of States Parties shall constitute a quorum, the persons elected to the Committee shall be those who obtain the largest number of votes and an absolute majority of the votes of the representatives of States Parties present and voting.

6. The members of the Committee shall be elected for a term of four years. They shall be eligible for re-election if renominated. The term of five of the members elected at the first election shall expire at the end of two years; immediately after the first election, the names of these five members shall be chosen by lot by the Chairman of the meeting.

7. If a member of the Committee dies or resigns or declares that for any other cause he or she can no longer perform the duties of the Committee, the State Party which nominated the member shall appoint another expert from among its nationals to serve for the remainder of the term, subject to the approval of the Committee.

8. The Committee shall establish its own rules of procedure.

9. The Committee shall elect its officers for a period of two years.

10. The meetings of the Committee shall normally be held at United Nations Headquarters or at any other convenient place as determined by the Committee. The Committee shall normally meet annually. The duration of the meetings of the Committee shall be determined, and reviewed, if necessary, by a meeting of the States Parties to the present Convention, subject to the approval of the General Assembly.

11. The Secretary-General of the United Nations shall provide the necessary staff and facilities for the effective performance of the functions of the Committee under the present Convention.

12. With the approval of the General Assembly, the members of the Committee established under the present Convention shall receive emoluments from United Nations resources on such terms and conditions as the Assembly may decide.
Article 44

1. States Parties undertake to submit to the Committee, through the Secretary-General of the United Nations, reports on the measures they have adopted which give effect to the rights recognized herein and on the progress made on the enjoyment of those rights

(a) Within two years of the entry into force of the Convention for the State Party concerned;

(b) Thereafter every five years.

2. Reports made under the present article shall indicate factors and difficulties, if any, affecting the degree of fulfilment of the obligations under the present Convention. Reports shall also contain sufficient information to provide the Committee with a comprehensive understanding of the implementation of the Convention in the country concerned.

3. A State Party which has submitted a comprehensive initial report to the Committee need not, in its subsequent reports submitted in accordance with paragraph 1 (b) of the present article, repeat basic information previously provided.

4. The Committee may request from States Parties further information relevant to the implementation of the Convention.

5. The Committee shall submit to the General Assembly, through the Economic and Social Council, every two years, reports on its activities.

6. States Parties shall make their reports widely available to the public in their own countries.
Article 45

In order to foster the effective implementation of the Convention and to encourage international co-operation in the field covered by the Convention:

(a) The specialized agencies, the United Nations Children's Fund, and other United Nations organs shall be entitled to be represented at the consideration of the implementation of such provisions of the present Convention as fall within the scope of their mandate. The Committee may invite the specialized agencies, the United Nations Children's Fund and other competent bodies as it may consider appropriate to provide expert advice on the implementation of the Convention in areas falling within the scope of their respective mandates. The Committee may invite the specialized agencies, the United Nations Children's Fund, and other United Nations organs to submit reports on the implementation of the Convention in areas falling within the scope of their activities;

(b) The Committee shall transmit, as it may consider appropriate, to the specialized agencies, the United Nations Children's Fund and other competent bodies, any reports from States Parties that contain a request, or indicate a need, for technical advice or assistance, along with the Committee's observations and suggestions, if any, on these requests or indications;

(c) The Committee may recommend to the General Assembly to request the Secretary-General to undertake on its behalf studies on specific issues relating to the rights of the child;

(d) The Committee may make suggestions and general recommendations based on information received pursuant to articles 44 and 45 of the present Convention. Such suggestions and general recommendations shall be transmitted to any State Party concerned and reported to the General Assembly, together with comments, if any, from States Parties.
PART III
Article 46

The present Convention shall be open for signature by all States.
Article 47

The present Convention is subject to ratification. Instruments of ratification shall be deposited with the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
Article 48

The present Convention shall remain open for accession by any State. The instruments of accession shall be deposited with the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
Article 49

1. The present Convention shall enter into force on the thirtieth day following the date of deposit with the Secretary-General of the United Nations of the twentieth instrument of ratification or accession.

2. For each State ratifying or acceding to the Convention after the deposit of the twentieth instrument of ratification or accession, the Convention shall enter into force on the thirtieth day after the deposit by such State of its instrument of ratification or accession.
Article 50

1. Any State Party may propose an amendment and file it with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. The Secretary-General shall thereupon communicate the proposed amendment to States Parties, with a request that they indicate whether they favour a conference of States Parties for the purpose of considering and voting upon the proposals. In the event that, within four months from the date of such communication, at least one third of the States Parties favour such a conference, the Secretary-General shall convene the conference under the auspices of the United Nations. Any amendment adopted by a majority of States Parties present and voting at the conference shall be submitted to the General Assembly for approval.

2. An amendment adopted in accordance with paragraph 1 of the present article shall enter into force when it has been approved by the General Assembly of the United Nations and accepted by a two-thirds majority of States Parties.

3. When an amendment enters into force, it shall be binding on those States Parties which have accepted it, other States Parties still being bound by the provisions of the present Convention and any earlier amendments which they have accepted.
Article 51

1. The Secretary-General of the United Nations shall receive and circulate to all States the text of reservations made by States at the time of ratification or accession.

2. A reservation incompatible with the object and purpose of the present Convention shall not be permitted.

3. Reservations may be withdrawn at any time by notification to that effect addressed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, who shall then inform all States. Such notification shall take effect on the date on which it is received by the Secretary-General
Article 52

A State Party may denounce the present Convention by written notification to the Secretary-General of the United Nations. Denunciation becomes effective one year after the date of receipt of the notification by the Secretary-General.
Article 53

The Secretary-General of the United Nations is designated as the depositary of the present Convention.
Article 54

The original of the present Convention, of which the Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Russian and Spanish texts are equally authentic, shall be deposited with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. In witness thereof the undersigned plenipotentiaries, being duly authorized thereto by their respective Governments, have signed the present Convention.

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1/ The General Assembly, in its resolution 50/155 of 21 December 1995 , approved the amendment to article 43, paragraph 2, of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, replacing the word “ten” with the word “eighteen”. The amendment entered into force on 18 November 2002 when it had been accepted by a two-thirds majority of the States parties (128 out of 191).